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Are Uganda’s By-Elections Worth the Price?

Are Uganda’s By-Elections Worth the Price?

On Thursday, March 13, voters in Kawempe North will participate in a by-election, a process that has already been marred by violence, arrests, and heightened security deployment.

Over the past ten days of campaigns, reports of injuries, arbitrary arrests, and security excesses have raised deep concerns about the state of democracy and electoral integrity in Uganda. If such chaos can unfold in a single by-election, the implications for the upcoming general elections are alarming.

The electoral process in Uganda has long grappled with challenges, particularly regarding by-elections, which have increasingly become costly, contentious, and destabilizing. Originally intended to ensure representation when seats become vacant, by-elections now serve as political battlegrounds, characterized by state repression, heightened tensions, and excessive public expenditure. The events in Kawempe North, along with past experiences in Soroti, Kayunga, and Arua, reinforce the urgent need for electoral reforms.

Uganda’s Constitution under Article 61(6) states that no by-election shall be held within six months before a general election. This provision was designed to prevent redundancy and financial waste in electing representatives who would serve only for a short period before the general elections. However, the six-month threshold remains insufficient, as by-elections occurring close to general elections still result in significant public expenditure, political instability, and electoral violence.

By-elections impose an enormous financial burden on the Ugandan taxpayer, in the 2021 Kayunga District by-election it was reported that over UGX 3 billion was spent, an amount that could have been allocated to critical community development projects. Similarly, the 2018 Arua Municipality by-election witnessed large-scale security deployments in which one person was shot dead, disruptions to local economies, and excessive state spending. Despite ongoing resource constraints in crucial sectors such as healthcare, education, and infrastructure, the government continues to allocate substantial funds to these elections, raising fundamental questions about their necessity, particularly when general elections are imminent.

Beyond financial costs, by-elections have become synonymous with electoral violence, undermining Uganda’s democratic processes. The Soroti City by-election was marked by excessive security deployment, intimidation of voters, and violent confrontations between state forces and opposition supporters. The impact of such violence extends beyond physical harm. It erodes public trust in electoral institutions, discourages political participation, and fosters a climate of fear among voters. The frequent deployment of security personnel, coupled with the heavy-handed approach of law enforcement, raises concerns about whether elections in Uganda are genuinely free and fair or are merely exercises in state control.

Several countries have successfully adopted reforms to mitigate the financial and political challenges posed by by-elections. Kenya’s Constitution provides that if a parliamentary seat falls vacant within one year of a general election, it remains unfilled, and the constituency is represented by existing elected leaders or an appointed caretaker until the next election. South Africa has also addressed this issue by allowing the ruling party or coalition to nominate a replacement for vacant parliamentary seats, eliminating the need for costly and disruptive by-elections. In the United States, when a Senate seat becomes vacant mid-term, state governors appoint temporary replacements who serve until the next general election, ensuring continuity while minimizing electoral disruptions.

Uganda must draw lessons from these best practices and consider amending Article 61(6) of its Constitution to extend the no-by-election period from six months to one year before a general election. This reform would not only reduce electoral violence but also ensure responsible public expenditure. Avoiding by-elections within the last year of a parliamentary term would prevent unnecessary political tensions and conflicts that often arise in these contests. The significant amounts of money spent on by-elections could be redirected toward essential development projects, ultimately benefiting Ugandan citizens in more meaningful ways. Frequent elections disrupt governance and service delivery, diverting focus from national development. Reducing the frequency of by-elections would allow for greater political stability and enable elected leaders to concentrate on fulfilling their mandates.

Aligning Uganda’s electoral processes with international best practices would strengthen democratic governance while ensuring that financial and human resources are utilized more effectively. The urgency of electoral reform cannot be overstated. Given the challenges observed in recent by-elections, it is imperative that lawmakers, civil society organizations, and the electorate advocate for constitutional amendments that prioritize national stability and development over political contestations. Parliament, together with the electoral commission, must take decisive steps toward ensuring that the country’s electoral system serves its people rather than being a tool for political maneuvering and state excesses.

Reassessing the necessity and timing of by-elections is not just a political issue; it is a national imperative. Extending the no by-election period to one year before general elections would eliminate unnecessary financial burdens, reduce electoral violence, and enhance the country’s democratic integrity. A deliberate and well-structured reform agenda must be pursued to safeguard Uganda’s electoral future, ensuring that democratic processes remain free, fair, and devoid of unnecessary conflict. The responsibility now lies with policymakers and civil society to champion this cause, ensuring that Uganda’s electoral laws reflect the realities of its political and economic landscape.

Amiri Wabusimba is a diplomatic scholar, journalist, political analyst, and human rights activist.📞+256 775 103 895 Email:[email protected]